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Cost of Calories and Protein from Meat

Yesterday I gave a talk for some of the world's largest pork producers as part of an event put on by PIC, the world's largest supplier of pork genetics. 

In my presentation, I touched briefly on the environmental impacts of meat production, and showed the following slide, which made the rounds on Twitter yesterday.

I thought a few points of clarification and expansion were in order.  

First, note that Bailey Norwood and I published a paper a few years ago comparing the costs of producing different meats to producing corn, soybeans, wheat, and peanuts (also note that there was a calculation error in the tables; the corrected tables are here). As we show there, it is generally less expensive to get calories or protein from corn or soybeans or wheat than it is from cattle or hogs.   That's one reason we grow such much corn, wheat, and soy - they are incredibly efficient generators of calories and protein.  

I will also note that there have been many attempt to calculate the retail cost of eating "healthy vs. unhealthy" food.  Here, for example, is a paper by the USDA-ERS.  Adam Drewnowski also has several papers on this subject.  This work often shows that meat is relatively  (relative to many fruits and vegetables) inexpensive on a per calorie or per gram of protein basis, although meat looks more expensive when placed on a per pound basis.   If you want really inexpensive calories eat vegetable oil or crackers or sugar; if you want real expensive calories, eat zucchini or lettuce or tomatoes.

The reason I picked lettuce as an example is to make the point that people often do not reason consistently when they argue we should unduly focus on costs of calories.  I have never once heard anyone say how "inefficient" production of lettuce or tomatoes or peppers are, and yet I have repeatedly heard this argument about meat.  

Another important point is that efficiency or cost isn't everything.  What do we get in return?  Who cares if lettuce is really expensive on a $/kcal basis?  A nice salad is tasty.  And healthy.  The trouble is that many of our most efficient producers of calories or protein (field corn, soybeans, wheat) are not that tasty by themselves.  Given the choice to eat a raw soybean or a raw carrot, I'll take he latter any day despite the fact that the latter is "less efficient."  

This discussion reveals another point that Bailey and I discussed in our paper.  To get corn and soy and wheat into foods we like to eat requires processing, which takes energy and is costly.  Thus, one needs to look at the costs of the foods as we eat them not as they're grown.  And, there is generally much less cost wrapped up in the processing of meat and animal products than there is for grain-based products (based on the farm-to-retail price spreads reported by the USDA).

Finally, note that one of the ways we process corn and soybeans into something we like to eat is by feeding them to animals.  Animals convert relatively untasty grains into tasty milk, eggs, and meat.   And even if some energy is "lost" or "wasted" in that process, we're getting something in return.  Here's what I previously had to say about that:

Almost no one looks at their iPad and asks, "how much more energy went into producing this than my old Apple II." The iPad is so much better than the Apple II.  We'd be willing to accept more energy use to have a better computer.  Likewise a nice T-bone is so much better than a head of broccoli.  I'm willing to accept more energy use to have a T-bone than a head of broccoli.    

 

Do USDA Quality Grades Mislead Consumers?

If you've ever seen the words "Choice" or "Prime" advertising a cut of beef, then you've been influenced by the federal beef quality grading system, which is administered by the Agricultural Marketing Service of the USDA.  From "best" to "worst" the grades are Prime, Choice, Select, and Standard.  

In a paper forthcoming the Journal of Animal Science, Eric and Megan Devuyst and I report the results of a study revealing that the USDA beef quality grading system likely sends confusing and misleading signals to final consumers (which is exactly the opposite of the purpose of the grading system).

The key determinant of quality in current grading system is "intramuscular fat" - the amount of fat inside the muscle of the steak.  Steaks with more fat get higher grades, primarily because of the large amount of research showing that consumers prefer the taste of steaks with more intramuscular fat.

But, do consumers know this?  And do they understand the information communicated by the grade names? Based on results of two nationwide surveys (both with over 1,000 people), we believe the answers are clearly: "No".

Most people thought the grade name "Prime" was the leannest, while also expecting it to be juiciest.  When looking just at the pictures (the same ones shown above but without the names), most people thought the picture of the Prime steak would be the cheapest, and they were most likely to associate the picture of the Prime steak with the name "Select."  

Only 14% of respondents correctly ranked the grade names according to leanness, and only 14% correctly matched the pictures with the respective grade names.  That's worse than random guessing (16.67% would be correct just by pure chance given that people had to match three items).   

We conclude the paper with the following:

if the current grading system fails to adequately inform consumers of the relative quality of grades, there remains the likelihood that consumers’ expectations will be unmet. There are three potential methods for addressing this lack of understanding. First, the current quality grading system could be dropped in lieu of private or third-party systems. . . .Second, an educational program could be  developed to promote knowledge of the link between higher marbled beef and taste. . . . The costs of such an effort, however, are likely to be large, and it is unclear what effects they may have particularly when one realizes the existence of many prior educational efforts that have been undertaken in the 70 year existence of the Prime-Choice quality grade nomenclature. . . . Finally, consumers could likely benefit from more descriptive nomenclature. . . . for example, “USDA Prime—Higher Fat, Most Juicy,” “USDA Choice—Juicy,” and “USDA Select—Less Fat, Less Juicy.” 

You can read the whole thing here.

Does information on relative risks change concerns about growth hormones?

Consumers often express concern about the use of growth promotants in animal agriculture.  In the beef industry, various growth hormones are administered to cattle to improve and speed the rate of growth (and some would say, improve the sustainability of beef production).  Upwards of 90% or more of feedlot cattle in large feedyards are given hormone implants.

Some consumers are fearful about the safety effects.   For example, the EU has banned imports of hormone-treated cattle from the US for over 20 years (a policy which probably has more to do with protectionism than actual safety concerns).  Other people have argued that these are the cause of decreasing puberty age of girls (which the data doesn't support).

As a result, many in the beef industry have have tried to communicate the fact that the risks from hormones are small to non-existent, and are much smaller than the risks from hormones in everyday foods.  The normal comparison is between how much estrogen is in a hamburger from an implanted steer or heifer vs. the amount of estrogen in other foods like soybean oil or cabbage.  Examples of such discussions appear at BeefMyths.orgUS Meat Export Federation, the NCBA, and extension facts sheets from Michigan State University, University of Nebraska, University of Georgia, and many others.

Circulating on the web a while back were some discussions of using some visual strategies to communicate the relative risks from estrogen used in cattle implants.  For example, here is one blog discussing the use of M&Ms to convey the risks.  

The question I wanted to know is whether any of these sorts of communications actually has any impact on the people for whom it is intended.  

In the most recent issue of my monthly Food Demand Survey (FooDS), we sought to address this issue.  1,017 respondents were randomly allocated to one of three information groups or treatments.  In the first no-info group, respondents were simply told, “About 90% of feedlot cattle are given added growth hormones to improve the rate of growth.” And then, respondents were asked, “How concerned are you about the use of growth hormones in beef production?”  

For the second group text-only group, written text was added to convey relative risks of hormone use.  Prior to being asked level of concern, subjects were told, “About 90% of feedlot cattle are given added growth hormones to improve the rate of growth.  The added hormones add about 3 extra nanograms (a billionth of a gram) to a 3 oz serving of beef.  For comparison purposes, the amount of estrogen that naturally occurs in 3 oz of the following foods is: potatoes (225 nanograms), peas (340 nanograms), cabbage (2,000 nanograms), soybean oil (170,000 nanograms).”  

Finally, the third visual+text group was given the same written text but was also shown the above visual illustration using M&Ms allocated to different jars.  

Participants in all three groups answered with their level of concern on a five-point scale (1 = very unconcerned; 5=very concerned).

Information on relative risks caused a small but statistically significant reduction in the level of concern.  The mean levels of concern, on the 5-point scale, were 3.93, 3.71, and 3.66 for the no-info, text-only, and text+visual information groups.  

Without any information on relative risks, over 71% of respondents indicated that they were either concerned or very concerned.  Textual information reduced that frequency to 66%, and visual+text information further reduced the percentage of concerned respondents to 63.6%.   

Meat expenditure shares

It seems there is a constant barrage of studies, books, and media critical of animal agriculture. The negative publicity is multifaceted and ranges from concerns about animal welfare, health impacts, food safety, climate change, environmental impacts, water usage, food security, and on an on.  

Just to given one representative example, here is James McWilliams writing in the New York Times in a 2012 article entitled The Myth of Sustainable Meat:

 THE industrial production of animal products is nasty business. From mad cow, E. coli and salmonella to soil erosion, manure runoff and pink slime, factory farming is the epitome of a broken food system.

He argues there, and in a more recent 2014 editorial in the same outlet that we the best solution is to give up eating meat.  I used McWilliam as an example, but I could have picked any number of high profile books (e.g., here or here), academics, advocacy groups (e.g., here or here), or news stories that paint conventional animal production industries in a less than favorable light.

Here is my question: how much impact, if any, has this had on consumers' demand for meat, dairy, and eggs?  

To indirectly get at this question, I turned to some data collected by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) on Personal Consumption Expenditures.  The BEA reports total expenditures on food at home in a variety of categories going back to 1959.  I took this data and calculated the share of total expenditures on food eaten at home (what the BEA calls " Food and beverages purchased for off-premises consumption") attributable to beef, pork, poultry, eggs, and dairy products.  For reference, total expenditures on food eaten at home was about $61.5 billion in 1959 (in 1959 dollars) and was about $884 billion in 2013 (in 2013 dollars).  

There was a remarkable downward trend in the allocation of consumers' food budget away from dairy and beef from 1959 till the early 1990s, and an uptick in poultry.  Consumers went from spending about 12-14% of their food budget on beef and another 12-14% on dairy in the early 1960s down to about 5-8% on each in the early 1990s.  Stated differently, consumers just about halved the proportion of their food budget going toward beef and dairy in a 30 year time period.  

There were a lot of reasons for these changes.  These industries became much more productive and prices fell, so consumers could allocate less of their budget to these items but still consume the same amount or more.  The price of poultry fell much more rapidly than the price of beef, and thus some of the downward trend reflects substitution away from beef toward poultry.  There were other consumer concerns during that period related to cholesterol, saturated fat, E coli, etc. that led to less consumption of beef and dairy.  

Despite, all that, it is remarkable how resilient meat demand has been over the last 20 years in light of the large amount of negative publicity mentioned earlier.  To illustrate, here is the graph  just from 1993 to 2013.

The lines are essentially flat.  People are allocating just about the same amount of their food budget to beef, pork, dairy, poultry, and eggs today as they did 20 years ago.  

It may be the case that all the aforementioned negative publicity in recent years will eventually cause consumers to allocate their food budget away from animal products.  But, at least so far, it doesn't seem to have had much of an impact.

Why are beef prices so high?

If you've been down the meat aisle in the grocery store recently, you might have noticed that beef is getting pricey.  Indeed, cattle prices have recently been near historically high levels in recent months.  For some perspective, here are inflation-adjusted retail meat prices since January 2000 (these are monthly USDA data compiled by the Livestock Marketing Information Center and the USDA-ERS; final data point is January, 2014).  

As you can see, real beef and pork prices are higher now than they've been in at least 15 years (and that means they're substantially higher in nominal terms).

As the graph reveals, starting in about 2010, beef and pork prices began to rise, although the rate of increase has been faster for beef than for pork.  Over the same time period, chicken prices have remained relatively constant, and are actually slightly lower in real terms today than in the early 2000s.  

The graph above masks what has been happening in the last few weeks and months.  On that issue, here is a graph from the Livestock Marketing Information Center showing wholesale boneless beef prices (fresh, 90% lean - mainly used in ground beef) in recent weeks.  As you can see, 2013 prices were above the 2008-2012 average, and 2014 prices are much higher still.

What is happening that has caused the run-up in beef prices?  

The answer to that question is a dissertation topic unto itself, but here are a few rough thoughts:

  • I don't think the answer is primarily on the demand side.  Despite all the negative publicity for meat products (from media coverage of food safety, animal welfare, global warming, health, water use, etc. etc.), estimates from our Food Demand Survey and from the demand indices compiled by Glynn Tonsor at Kansas State suggests relatively stable to slightly increasing demand.  Higher demand will tend to pull up prices, but I don't think the demand changes are anywhere near large enough to explain the price rises.
    • Increased demand for meat products from other countries might tell part of the story, and although there has been a general rise in beef exports in recent years, it also doesn't seem big enough to explain the trend.
  • That leaves supply-side issues.  Cattle inventories are at their lowest level since the 1950s. Because of technological advancement, we don't need as many cattle today today to produce the same amount of beef as we did in 60 years ago.  Still, fewer cattle numbers means less beef, and less beef supplied means higher prices.  Contraction in cattle supplies can be explained by a number of factors, such as drought in the plains states that limited the amount of grass and hay available and higher feed (mainly corn) prices due to drought, ethanol policy, etc., which pushed pushed more cattle to slaughter several years ago, leading to smaller inventories today.  Feed prices have now come down off their highs but cattle prices are still rising, partially because producers are holding back breeding stock to rebuild inventory.  Still, if high feed prices were THE answer, I would have expected chicken prices to rise in tandem with beef and pork (at least over part of the period), but as the above graph reveals, they didn't.
  • It is also worth noting that on the supply side, the beef industry has stopped using technologies that previously generated more meat from each animal.  
    • The industry largely moved away from using lean fine textured beef (LFTB - aka "pink slime") in March 2012.  It has been estimated that not using LFBT is akin to reducing the cattle supply by about 1 to 1.5 head million annually.  So, removal of LFTB had an effect of further reducing supply on top of the other aforementioned factors.  One study suggests that removal of LFTB increased ground beef prices by about 3.5%.  Here is a recent TV news story about the role of LFTB and beef prices (I was happy to see they interviewed Kate Brooks from University of Nebraska - one of my former students).
    • The industry also moved away from using the beta-agonist, Zillmax.  According the the product's manufacturer, Zilmax added 24-33 lbs of additional hot carcass weight.  Multiply that by millions of head of cattle, and that's millions of pounds of beef that are now "missing" relative to a year or two ago.  
  • On the pork side of the equation, there is a lot of concern about the porcine epidemic diarrhea virus (PED), which is kills young pigs.  It is yet unclear what effects it may be having, but speculation suggests it might be tightening supplies and pushing up pork prices.  This is a relatively recent phenomenon and can't explain the 2010-2011 increases.

Addendum:

Scott Irwin sent me a note with a couple links to posts at farmdocdaily, which touch on these same issues.  First, he noted (in a post almost four years ago!) that the corn/soy prices then were likely to lead to much higher livestock prices.  So what we are seeing now may be the fruition of this longer-term adjustment.  Second, Chris Hurt posted on March 3 about PED, and it does appear to be a big deal - hog futures are at record levels.  Chris concluded:

At the farm level, current futures markets are suggesting a live price for 2014 at a record high of $73 per hundredweight compared to $64 last year. This will provide record high industry revenues and the highest profit per head since 2005.

Who is going to pay for these record high pork producer revenues? Unfortunately, the consumers of pork are expected to be large net losers from PED-V as they will have to pay record high retail pork prices and also have less pork availability.