Blog

Why people lie on surveys and how to make them stop

Companies spend millions (perhaps billions?) of dollars every year surveying consumers to figure out want they want.  Environmental, health, and food economists do the same to try to figure out the costs and benefits of various policies.  What are people willing to pay for organic or non-GMO foods or for country of origin labels on meat?  These are the sorts of questions I'm routinely asked.

Here's the problem: there is ample evidence (from economics and marketing among other disciplines) that people don't always do what they say they will do on a survey.  A fairly typical result from the economics literature is that the amount people say they are willing to pay for a new good or service is about twice what they'll actually pay when money is on the line.  It's what we economists call hypothetical bias.

We don't yet have a solid theory that explains this phenomenon in every situation, and it likely results from a variety of factors like: social desirability bias (we give answers we think the surveyor wants to hear), warm glow, yea-saying, and self presentation bias (it feels good to support "good" causes and say "yes", and why not say we're willing to do something, particularly when there is no cost to doing so and it can make us look and feel good about ourselves), idealized responses (we imagine whether we'd ever buy the good when we eventually have the money and the time is right, rather than answering whether we'd buy it here and now), strategy (if we think our answers to a survey question can influence the eventual price that is charged or whether the good is actually offered, we might over- or under-state our willingness to buy), uncertainty (research suggest a lot of the hypothetical bias comes from those who say they aren't sure about whether they'd buy the good), among other possible reasons.

What to do?

Various fixes have been proposed over the years.

  • Calibration.  Take responses from a survey and reduce them by some factor so that they more closely approximate what consumers will actually do.  The problem: calibration factors are unknown and vary across people and goods.
  • Cheap talk.  On the survey, explain the problem of hypothetical bias and explicitly ask people to avoid it.  The problem: it doesn't always "work" for all people (particularly experienced people familiar with the good), and there is always some uncertainty over whether you've simply introduced a new bias.
  • Certainty scales.  Ask people how sure they are about their answers, and for people who indicate a high level of uncertainty, re-code their "yes" answers to "no".  The problem: the approach is ad-hoc, and it is hard to know a priori what the cut-off on the certainty scale should be.  Moreover, it only works for simple yes/no questions.
  • Use particular question formats.  Early practitioners of contingent valuation (an approach for asking willingness-to-pay popular in environmental economics) swear by a "double-bounded dichotomous choice, referendum question" which they believe has good incentives for truth telling if respondents believe their answers might actually influence whether the good is provided (i.e., if the answer is consequential).  I'm skeptical.  I'm more open to the use of so-called "choice experiments", where people make multiple choices between goods that have different attributes, and where we're only interested in "marginal" trade offs (i.e., whether you want good A vs. good B).  There is likely more bias in the "total" (i.e., whether you want good A or nothing).    

There is another important alternative.  If the problem is that surveys don't prompt people to act as they would in a market, well, whey don't we just create a real market?  A market where people have to give up real money for real goods - where we make people put their money where their mouth is?  It is an approach I wrote about in the book Experimental Auctions with Jason Shogren and it is the approach I teach with  Rudy Nayga, Andreas Drichoutis, and Maurizio Canavari in the summer school we have planned for this summer in Crete (sign up now!)  It is an approach with a long history , stemming mainly from the work of experimental economists.

One of the drawbacks with the experimental market approach is that it is often limited to a particular geographic region.  You've got to recruit people and get them in a room (or as people like John List and others have done, go to a real-world market already in existence and bend it to your research purposes).   

Well, there's now a new option with particularly wider reach.  Several months ago I was contacted by Anouar El Haji who is at the Business School at the University of Amsterdam.  He's created a simple online platform he calls Veylinx where researchers can conduct real auctions designed to give participants an incentive to truthfully reveal their maximum willingness-to-pay.  The advantage is that one can reach a large number of people across the US (potentially across the world).  It's a bit like ebay, but with a much simpler environment (which researchers can control) with a clearer incentive to get people to bid their maximum willingness-to-pay.  

One of the coolest parts is that you can even sign up to participate in the auctions.  I've done so, and encourage you to do the same.  Hopefully, we'll eventually get some auctions up and running that relate specifically to food and agriculture.  

Food Demand Survey (FooDS) - February 2015

The newest release of the Feed Demand Survey (FooDS) is now out.

Compared to last month, we found 8% to 15% jumps in willingness-to-pay (WTP) for both beef products (steak and hamburger) and for deli ham.  There was also a sizable increase (9%) in spending on food away from home relative to last month.  

Following up on all the controversy surrounding last month's question on DNA labeling, we delved into the issue again, but this time in a slightly different way.  First, we asked the question in isolation (on a single page by itself), rather than in a list with other food policy issues (Ben Lillie had argued in a blog post following our last result our result was at least partially due tot he fact that the DNA label issue appeared in a list with other issues).  Secondly, the question was reworded so that it was clear that the label was meant to indicate the presence absence of DNA.  The precise wording was, "Do you support or oppose mandatory labels on foods that would indicate the presence or absence of DNA?"  The choice options were support or oppose (the order of which was randomized across respondents). We found essentially the same result as before, 83.5% of respondents supported DNA labeling (note: sample size is 1,001, sampling error is +/-3%, sample weighted to match the population demographics).   

I also looked at the demographic breakdown of those who answered support vs. oppose.  For those who supported, 43%  had a college degree, 49% were female, 46% were Democrats, and 20% were Republications; for those who opposed, 58% had a college degree, 45% were female, 38% were Democrats, and 28% were Republicans. Education and political party affiliation appear to be partial drivers of support for DNA labeling.

Then, on a following page, we asked a number of true/false questions to gauge people's knowledge about DNA, genetics, etc.

Most respondents, 64.6%, correctly knew it was false that "ordinary tomatoes do not contain genes while genetically modified tomatoes do."  However, a remarkably high number of respondents, 52%, said it was false that "all vegetables contain DNA", and only 58.6% that it was true that "yeast for brewing beer contains living organisms." 

Farm Policy on EconTalk

Great discussion about history and politics surrounding farm policy between Dan Sumner at UC Davis and Russ Roberts on EconTalk.  

I enjoyed this story that Sumner conveyed about midway through

And I have to tell you, Russ, my favorite story in all this. Back when I was a kid I was a young professor at North Carolina State. I ran a conference: I brought in luminaries of the agricultural economics world. And I invited some local agricultural commodity people. A man named Northly[?] came—he was the Executive Vice President of the North Carolina Peanut Association. Wonderful guy. He stood up as this conference was ending, and he said, ‘Let me tell you about the peanut program. There’s only two people in America who understand how the peanut program works. It’s my job to keep it that way.’ And I took that statement, one, to be true; and two, the fact that he was willing to say it out loud, to us, was a reflection of how irrelevant he thought we were. Now, I don’t think he was quite right that we were that irrelevant

Change in the way we talk about obesity

On Saturday night, NBC aired a re-run of an old episode of Saturday Night Live.  It is one of my favorites that I vividly remembering watching as a teenager when it originally aired back in 1990.  

There is one scene where Chris Farley and Patrick Swayze compete for a spot as a Chippendales dancer.  Watching it now, 25 years later, I was struck at how frank some of the discussion surrounding Farley's weight was at the end, and how, today, it would almost certainly cause offense among some. 

Here's some of the back and forth:

Barney, we all agreed that your dancing was great and your presentation was very sexy. I guess in the end, we all thought Adrian’s body was just much, much better than yours . . . You see it’s just at at Chippendales our dancers have traditionally had that lean, muscular physique, where yours is fat and flabby
...
Adrian: If you’re really serious about going with me, it can only be because his body is so bad.
...
Barney, we considered the possibility that our heavieir females might consider a heavy, heavier man that they could identify with

It's comedy, and it's funny.  But, now a quarter century later, I suspect many would see it as inappropriate.  It is now routine to see academic articles on stigma and shame associated with obesity.  On the one hand, it seems that it is  a topic that has been the news a lot over the past 25 years, and perhaps that has changed perceptions of the issue.  I'm also reminded of the controversy surrounding Jonathan Chait's piece in New York Magazine on the rise of politically correct speech.  Or, maybe I'm just getting old and  now pick up on greater sensitivities than I did when I was 15.

We've all probably read of the rising toll of obesity, but while it often seems the discussion about the issue has ramped up, maybe some of that is just availability or confirmation bias.  For example, drawing on a couple CDC data sources, we can see that the mean weight of men aged 40-49 has increased by about 13 lbs since 1990.  For women aged 40-49, it's about 16 lbs.  So, yes we're somewhat heavier on average.

I was interested to see that according to google's ngram viewer (which shows the relative prevalence of a word in books over time), there's only been a slight uptick in writing that uses the word "obesity" over time.

 

That data set ends in 2008.  What about searchers of the word "obesity".  Here's googletrends on that one since 2004 (the earliest start date it will allow).

We seem to have changed how much we're talking about obesity.  I wonder if the nature of the conversation has changed too?