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Consumer Food Buying during a Recession

That’s the title of a paper Brandon McFadden and I wrote for Choices Magazine. Here’s the introduction:

COVID-19 caused significant disruptions in food supply chains and altered consumer buying behavior. The impacts of COVID-19, most notably in the restaurant and food service sectors, are still being realized in food markets months after the initial shutdown. COVID-19 is a unique event with idiosyncratic effects on food consumption. Nonetheless, there are likely longer-term effects of the pandemic that are perhaps more predictable. The pandemic has caused a recession and spike in unemployment during the first quarter of 2020 (NBER, 2021), and there is much that has been learned about consumer food spending and buying behaviors during prior economic downturns that can be leveraged to gain insights about consumer food spending during the pandemic.

There are many differences between the present pandemic-induced recession and the Great Recession, which was associated with a deterioration of the housing market. The Great Recession’s impacts on food spending operated almost exclusively through changes in income and unemployment, whereas the COVID-19 impacts on food spending include these channels and more, including consumer demand shocks (increase in demand for food at grocery and reduction in demand for food away from home) and supply shocks (regulations affected the supply of food service options and temporary slowdown in meat processing from worker illnesses). Additionally, government support during the pandemic actually caused aggregate personal income to increase (FRED, 2021a), and along with a fall in spending on entertainment and travel, aggregate savings rates to increases as well (FRED, 2021b), although the effects are highly heterogeneous across households (Chetty et al., 2020). Despite these differences, understanding the impacts of changes in income, unemployment, and time availability that accompany recessions remains relevant to the current environment.

The paper goes on to discuss research on how food demand changes with income, eating during the great recession, food insecurity during the great recession, and time allocation, income, and food spending, among other topics.

Food Price Inflation

I was on NBC Nightly News last night talking about rising retail food prices (the whole episode is here, my very short clip starts around the 17:50 mark). I’d previously talked to the Today Show on the same subject and fielded several other media questions in recent days about whether we have a chicken shortage.

All the recent attention on food price inflation is a bit perplexing. The rate of food price increases over the past year is definitely above what we have come to expect in recent years, but we aren’t seeing spikes right now like we witnessed during the initial COVID shutdowns in March 2020 or the beef and pork packing plant shutdowns later in April and May of last year. By “spike” I mean the month-to-month increase. But, we have seen continually increasing prices over the past year for many foods. Perhaps it is the cumulative effect of higher than average monthly increases that is starting to get people noticing. Moreover, there are some wholesale meat prices, like those for chicken breast, chicken wings, pork belly, pork ribs, and beef loins that are running far above average, which is attracting attention as we head into grilling season.

Before showing some data on retail food prices, a few comments about some factors pushing prices higher:

  • Overall inflation (including food and non-food items) is on the rise over the past several months. The year-over-year change in the overall price level in March (i.e., March 2021 relative March 2020) was 2.6%. That’s not abnormally high. From 2000 to 2007, the average year-over-year change was 2.8%. However, 2.6% is much higher than we’ve experienced in recent years. During 2019 and 2020, the year-over-year increase in overall inflation was only 1.5%. There is much debate among economists on the issue, but given the high levels of stimulus pumped into the economy and the corresponding high personal savings rates among consumers), all that extra cash floating around seems to be putting upward pressure on prices.

  • Turning to food, there appear to be extra costs in the system that are pushing up prices, much of it resulting from COVID. Bureau of Labor Statistics data indicate wages (or, more precisely, average weekly earnings) in food manufacturing are running about 4-5% higher than the same time last year and are about 7-8% higher in food retail.

  • Prices of farm commodities like corn, soybeans, wheat, and hogs, have been running significantly higher since this fall. Why? Transportation has picked back up, increasing demand for ethanol, and thus corn (roughly 40% of corn goes to ethanol). China has increased purchases of many U.S. farm commodities, pulling up prices. Adverse weather in parts of the Midwest U.S. and in South America during the most recent growing seasons has affected supply. On the topic of weather, winter storms in the Southern U.S. adversely affected chicken processing a couple months ago. Higher corn and soybean prices are pushing up livestock, poultry, and egg prices.

So, what is happening to retail food prices? Here are some figures I created using data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (as of March 2021, the last date they’re currently reporting) Below are year-over-year changes in prices of food at home (i.e., though supermarkets and grocery) and away from home (i.e., through restaurants) through March 2021 .

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The figure above looks as if prices of food at home have been falling since March of 2020; however, note that the figure reports the implied annual rate of increase. Thus, the figure is showing that the rate of increase has fallen a bit, NOT that food prices are falling. If, instead, we look at the change in prices from a fixed point in the past (say, January 2011), a different picture emerges.

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As the figure shows, food prices through grocery are today about 15-16% higher than they were in January 2011. Moreover, there was a big spike in March 2020, and while there was a temporary reprieve, prices in recent months have trended back upward.

If you’re curious about the individual food products driving the increase in food prices, below are the year-over-year changes for four broad categories. As the figure shows, meat, poultry, fish, and eggs are a big driver of the overall increase in price of food at home.

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Honing in a little further, below are the year-over-year changes in beef, pork, and chicken prices bought through grocery.

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Again, it might be useful to look not at year over year changes (i.e., the rate of inflation), but instead look at the change in prices from a fixed point in the past (January 2011). As of March 2021, retail beef, pork, and chicken prices are about 45% , 17%, and 20% higher than in January 2011, respectively.

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Farmer and farm worker illnesses and deaths from COVID-19 and impacts on agricultural output

That’s the title of a new paper I’ve coauthored with Ranveer Chandra that was just released by the journal PLOS ONE. The paper builds off the Purdue Food and Agricultural Vulnerability Index dashboard we released last spring, but the paper includes estimates for COVID-19 cases and deaths for different types of farm workers and includes estimates of aggregate economic effects to the agricultural sector. Here’s the abstract:

Farmers and farm workers are critical to the secure supply of food, yet this population is potentially at high risk to acquire COVID-19. This study estimates the prevalence of COVID-19 among farmers and farmworkers in the United States by coupling county-level data on the number of farm workers relative to the general population with data on confirmed COVID-19 cases and deaths. In the 13 month period since the start of the pandemic (from March 1, 2020 to March 31, 2021), the estimated cumulative number of COVID-19 cases (deaths) was 329,031 (6,166) among agricultural producers, 170,137 (2,969) among hired agricultural workers, 202,902 (3,812) among unpaid agricultural workers, and 27,223 (459) among migrant agricultural workers. The cases amount to 9.55%, 9.31%, 9.39%, and 9.01% of all U.S. agricultural producers, hired workers, unpaid workers, and migrant workers, respectively. The COVID-19 incidence rate is significantly higher in counties with more agricultural workers; a 1% increase in the number of hired agricultural workers in a county is associated with a 0.04% increase in the number of COVID-19 cases per person and 0.07% increase in deaths per person. Although estimated new cases among farm workers exhibit similar trends to that of the general population, the correlation between the two is sometimes negative, highlighting the need to monitor this particular population that tends to live in more rural areas. Reduction in labor availability from COVID-19 is estimated to reduce U.S. agricultural output by about $309 million.

A couple key graphs are below.

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And,

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COVID-related papers

A year after the onset of the pandemic, research on impacts of COVID-19 on food and agricultural markets continues. Below are some links to some papers I’ve co-authored that have been recently released.

Unscrambling U.S. egg supply chains amid COVID-19 with Trey Malone and Aleks Schaefer in Food Policy.

Abstract: This article investigates how the shift from food-away-from-home and towards food-at-home at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic affected the U.S. egg industry. We find that the pandemic increased retail and farm-gate prices for table eggs by approximately 141% and 182%, respectively. In contrast, prices for breaking stock eggs—which are primarily used in foodservice and restaurants—fell by 67%. On April 3, 2020, the FDA responded by issuing temporary exemptions from certain food safety standards for breaking stock egg producers seeking to sell into the retail table egg market. We find that this regulatory change rapidly pushed retail, farm-gate, and breaking stock prices towards their long-run pre-pandemic equilibrium dynamics. The pandemic reduced premiums for credence attributes, including cage-free, vegetarian-fed, and organic eggs, by as much as 34%. These premiums did not fully recover following the return to more “normal” price dynamics, possibly signaling that willingness-to-pay for animal welfare and environmental sustainability have fallen as consumers seek to meet basic needs during the pandemic. Finally, in spite of widespread claims of price gouging, we do not find that the pandemic (or the subsequent FDA regulatory changes) had a meaningful impact on the marketing margin for table eggs sold at grocery stores.

Meat Demand Monitor during COVID-19 with Glynn and Shauna Tonsor in Animals.

Abstract: Meat products represent a significant share of US consumer food expenditures. The COVID-19 pandemic directly impacted both demand and supply of US beef and pork products for a prolonged period, resulting in a myriad of economic impacts. The complex disruptions create significant challenges in isolating and inferring consumer-demand changes from lagged secondary data. Thus, we turn to novel household-level data from a continuous consumer tracking survey, the Meat Demand Monitor, launched in February 2020, just before the US pandemic. We find diverse impacts across US households related to “hoarding” behavior and financial confidence over the course of the pandemic. Combined, these insights extend our understanding of pandemic impacts on US consumers and provide a timely example of knowledge enabled by ongoing and targeted household-level data collection and analysis.

Food Consumption Behavior During the COVID-19 Pandemic with Lauren Chenarides, Carola Grebitus and Iryna Printezis in Agribusiness

Abstract: We conducted an online consumer survey in May 2020 in two major metropolitan areas in the United States to investigate food shopping behaviors and consumption during the pandemic lockdown caused by COVID‐19. The results of this study parallel many of the headlines in the popular press at the time. We found that about three‐quarters of respondents were simply buying the food they could get due to out of stock situations and about half the participants bought more food than usual. As a result of foodservice closures, consumers indicated purchasing more groceries than normal. Consumers attempted to avoid shopping in stores, relying heavily on grocery delivery and pick‐up services during the beginning of the pandemic when no clear rules were in place. Results show a 255% increase in the number of households that use grocery pickup as a shopping method and a 158% increase in households that utilize grocery delivery services. The spike in pickup and delivery program participation can be explained by consumers fearing COVID‐19 and feeling unsafe. Food consumption patterns for major food groups seemed to stay the same for the majority of participants, but a large share indicated that they had been snacking more since the beginning of the pandemic which was offset by a sharp decline in fast food consumption.

Who practices urban agriculture? An empirical analysis of participation before and during the COVID‐19 pandemic with Lauren Chenarides, Carola Grebitus and Iryna Printezis in Agribusiness

Abstract: Coronavirus disease‐2019 (COVID‐19) disrupted the food system motivating discussions about moving from a dependence on long food supply channels toward shorter local supply channels, including urban agriculture. This study examines two central questions regarding the adoption of urban agriculture practices at the household level during the COVID‐19 pandemic: whether the outbreak of the novel coronavirus elicited participation in urban agriculture (e.g., community growing and home growing) and what are the characteristics of individuals who participate. To answer these questions, we conducted two online surveys in Phoenix, AZ, and Detroit, MI. The first round occurred during 2017 and the second during the lock‐down in 2020. Using bivariate probit models, we find that (1) considerably fewer individuals participate in urban agriculture at community gardens compared to at‐home gardening; (2) participation overall is lower in 2020 compared to 2017; and (3) respondents in Detroit practice urban agriculture more than respondents in Phoenix. Across both cities, our results suggest that the continuity of individuals' participation in growing food at community gardens and home is fragile. Not all characteristics that determined who participated in community gardens before COVID‐19 are determining the likelihood to participate during the pandemic. In addition, growing food at home before COVID‐19 was practiced by larger households and employed respondents, yet, during the pandemic, we find that home‐growing was more likely when children were in the household and households were smaller and younger (Detroit), and younger and more educated (Phoenix). These findings suggest that many urban households' food‐growing practices may not yet be mainstream and that other barriers may exist that inhibit households' participation.

Food and Ag Sectors are Viewed Very Positively

I recently ran across this Gallup poll result from the fall. The main result is that the industries viewed most positively by the public are all related to food. Survey respondents were asked, “for each of the following business sectors in the United States, please say whether your overall view of it is very positive, somewhat positive, neutral, somewhat negative or very negative. How about …”

Farming and agriculture were on top, with 69% being positive and only 11% being negative, yielding a net positive of 58%. The next highest industries were both related to food: grocery and restaurants. Moreover, farming and agriculture gained 11 points in positive rating from the last time the Gallup ran the survey in 2019.

Over the weekend, I tweeted out the figure below, and it got a lot of attention. Many farmers get frustrated by consumers lack of knowledge about farm practices and technology, and many actors in the food and agricultural sectors often feel beleaguered by criticisms aimed at the industry. These poll results seem to suggest that, on the whole, food and farming are viewed quite positively. While there are certainly topics where consumer education and engagement will be useful, there seems little reason to have an overall defensive stance, and rather the results suggest a fair amount of social capital is built up that could be leveraged for the industries to take a leadership role.

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