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Impacts of Coronavirus on Food Markets

Last week was a whirlwind of trip and event cancellations, movement of courses online, and the dusting off of emergency and contingency plans. This week is likely to bring more social-distancing and quarantining measures. The ultimate toll and impacts of the coronavirus are highly uncertain at present.  Nonetheless, it might be useful to speculate a bit about impacts of coronavirus and the events surrounding it on food markets. 

1. Grocery buying behavior. It has been fascinating to watch online, and in my own local grocery stores, which items consumers are choosing to stock-up on.  The run on toilet paper, for example, seems on the surface of it, downright irrational.  After all, COVID-19 does not cause digestive issues.  As irrational as the initial movement to toilet paper may seem, it isn’t crazy for subsequent consumers to then stock up too.  After all, it doesn’t take much for a reasonable person to see that if all other consumers are buying up all the toilet paper, that they’d better off getting theirs before none is left.  There is a long and interesting economics literature on information cascades and herding behavior, which shows that even if you disagree with what other people are doing, it is sometimes sensible to go along with the crowd.      

Much of the information we have at this point on which items are stocking-out is anecdotal, but there do seem to be some common trends in what I see in my own local stores and commentary online.  For example, it seems many of the new plant-based burgers are being left behind while the rest of the meat case is being cleared (see here or here).  I was surprised to see in my own local store, that virtually all the beef was gone (except for a bit of ground beef), about half the pork was gone, and chicken was plentiful.  This must say something about people’s psychology to go for the highest-price, perishable produce in this time of panic; that or differences in supply chain issues, but more on that later.  In other aisles, rice and pasta went quickly, presumably for issues related to the long shelf life, should quarantining result.  Still, I noticed what was left in those aisles were the gluten-free options and the lesser-known brands or unusual flavors, suggesting stock-outs are related to item popularity.  I hope we can learn more about this behavior after the fact. Unfortunately, it’s difficult to study stocking-out phenomenon because stores are usually well stocked, and because grocery store scanner data only shows us what people bought, but we can’t see what people didn’t buy because it wasn’t available.

2.       Stock-outs and supply chains.  The New York Times ran a story yesterday with the heading “There Is Plenty of Food in the Country.” I largely agree.  The stock-outs we are seeing now are likely temporary disruptions resulting from consumers pulling forward buying behavior in anticipation of future reduce mobility.  But, it’s unlikely people will eat more in aggregate because of the coronavirus.  Thus, this is largely a temporal adjustment in buying behavior with smaller effects on aggregate food demand. 

However, there could be more serious food market disruptions. Some of the stock-outs and slowdowns in grocery check-out lines are because employees are staying at home and practicing social-distancing.  This problem is likely to grow if more people become ill. So, while we might have the food supply available, will we have the workers to get it to us?  

Now, take a step back in the supply chain, and this is where worker issues could have serious issues.  Remember all the fervor over the beef packing-plant fire back in August?  While the impacts was counter-intuitive to many producers, the economics were straightforward: an unexpected disruption in supply depressed cattle prices and boosted wholesale beef prices.  It isn’t far-fetched to imagine worker illnesses getting to the point that plants have to temporarily shut down on a scale that is at least as large as the August-fire, which removed about 5% of the nation’s beef processing capacity.  One difference is that destroying a plant via fire is not the same as temporarily closing plants due to lack of healthy workers; one resulted in a long-term price adjustment while the latter is more likely a temporary price fluctuation.

One thing that makes me nervous even about temporary closures, if large scale, is the animals that have been placed to be market-weight in the next few weeks.  While feedlot cattle can likely remain on feed a few weeks longer with relatively small changes in profitability, that is less true for hogs, and particularly chickens.  Meat supply chains are optimized for efficiency and low-cost production, not necessarily for flexibility and resiliency.    

A signal to keep an eye on is the amount of meat in cold storage (the data currently available are lagged by at least a month).  The buying behavior we’re seeing now is likely to pull meat out of storage and onto our dinner plates.  However, that boost in domestic demand is likely to be offset by reductions in foreign demand, and the coronavirus has hit hard some of our biggest export markets.

The flip-side of this is that we rely on imports from China for a variety of consumer goods, and this trade is likely to be disrupted by coronavirus. I’ve often been critical of the local foods movement, but it’s times like these that highlight some of the benefits of localization and heterogeneity in the food supply chain.

3. Recession. Given the reaction of the stock-market and the disruption to normal business and spending activity, the chances of a recession are high.  The “Great Recession” in 2007-09 had significant impacts on food spending, particularly spending on food away from home.  Here are data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics Consumer Expenditure Survey.  These data show food spending at home only declined slightly after the recession, but the share of spending that occurred outside the home (at restaurants, etc.)  fell from 0.44 to 0.41. 

foodspendingrecession.JPG

It is also interesting to look at how spending on different types of food changed during the Great Recession.  The figure below shows spending on food eaten at home (plus total alcohol spending).  All at-home food spending increased in 2008 before falling in 2009, but the increase was smaller for beef and pork, which implies the share of food spending on these items fell over this period.  Spending on alcohol took the biggest hit.  By contrast, spending on fruits and vegetables, cereal and bakery, and dairy, fared pretty well during the last recession.

spendingrecession_byfood.JPG

There is an old saying that “generals are always fighting the last war.”  Likewise, it is probably wise not to focus too much on the past recession to predict how consumers might respond to one potentially caused by the coronavirus.  Nonetheless, the pattern of reduced spending on food away from home is already occurring, and meat demand is typically thought to respond significantly to income, which suggests, at least in these two cases, the pattern may re-emerge. 

During the past recession, rates of food insecurity spiked. There are concerns about impacts of school closures on childhood food security, and the USDA is considering policies that will allow delivery of free school lunch and breakfast to low income children even in instances where schools are closed.

4. Population. A couple months ago, I discussed the role of population in affecting food demand.  I was writing then about the fact that birth rates have been falling, and indicated a smaller population would put downward pressure on food prices and farm incomes.  Unfortunately, a global pandemic like the coronavirus has the potential to reduce the world’s population (or at least slow the increase). For example, estimates suggest the flu pandemic in 1918 sickened about 27% of the world’s population and killed about 2 to 3% of the world’s population at the time. Estimates of the potential number of deaths from the coronavirus are all over the board, but the greater the number of “excess” deaths, the greater the reduction in aggregate food demand. On the up-side, all this social-distancing and self-quarantining means many more couples will be home together. We may need to hang on to all those hospital beds for the new babies that will arrive in nine months.

Consumer Demand for Redundant Food Labels

That’s the title of a new working paper co-authored with Lacey Wilson. Here is the abstract:

Previous studies, as well as market sales data, show some consumers are willing to pay a premium for redundant or superfluous food labels that carry no additional information for the informed consumer. Some advocacy groups have argued that the use of such redundant labels is misleading or unethical. To determine whether premiums for redundant labels stem from misunderstanding or other factors, this study seeks to determine whether greater knowledge of the claims - in the form of expertise in food production and scientific literacy - decreases willingness to pay for redundant labels. We also explore whether de-biasing information influences consumers’ valuations of redundant labels. An online survey of 1,122 U.S. consumers elicited preferences for three redundantly labeled products: non-GMO sea salt, gluten-free orange juice, and no-hormone-added chicken breast. Respondents with farm experience report lower premiums for non-GMO salt and no-hormone-added chicken. Those with higher scientific literacy state lower premiums for gluten-free orange juice. However, after providing information about the redundancy of the claims, less than half of respondents who were initially willing to pay extra for the label are convinced otherwise. Over 30% of respondents counter-intuitively increase their premiums, behavior that is associated with less a priori scientific knowledge. The likelihood of “overpricing” redundant labels is associated with willingness-to-pay premiums for organic food, suggesting at least some of the premium for organic is a result of misinformation.

The figure below shows a key result. People place a $0 premium on non-GMO salt, gluten-free orange juice, and hormone-free chicken have significantly higher scientific literacy scores than people who place positive or negative premiums on these redundantly labeled products.

redundantlabels.JPG

Malthusian Inversion

I’ve noticed several articles in the past few weeks talking about slowing or even falling population growth. This article in the Economist discussed the fact that South Korea’s fertility rate is now below replacement level (i.e., fewer babies are being born than there are parents), and their figure shows the strong negative correlation between income (or GDP) of a country and a country’s fertility rate. The richer we get, it seems the fewer babies we want or need. Then, came this opinion article in the New York Times a couple days ago about the “Chinese Population Crisis,” in which Ross Douthat argues, “Unlike most developed countries, China is growing old without first having grown rich.”

We’ve all probably been adequately exposed to the concerns and problems associated with over-population from the writings of Malthus to Ehrlich’s Population Bomb. Less well appreciated are the benefits and costs associated with a falling population. For one take on the potential concerns, see this 2013 piece by Kevin Kelly entitled the “Underpopulation Bomb.” He states the problem as follows:

This is a world where every year there is a smaller audience than the year before, a smaller market for your goods or services, fewer workers to choose from, and a ballooning elder population that must be cared for. We’ve never seen this in modern times; our progress has always paralleled rising populations, bigger audiences, larger markets and bigger pools of workers. It’s hard to see how a declining yet aging population functions as an engine for increasing the standard of living every year.

A smaller population would no doubt produce some benefits. Probably the most obvious benefit is that a smaller population would lessen human’s demands on our environment and natural resources. There is already evidence of this de-materialization. Check out Andrew McAfee’s book More from Less, where he argues that technology has led us past peak demand for many natural resources.

Among the adverse consequences, however, of falling population is likely to be downward pressure on farm incomes. The Malthusian concern implied a large population that was incapable of sufficiently feeding itself. For humanity writ large, this outcome would have been a tragedy. Farmers (or at least land owners), however, would have likely benefited from this dire outcome. More people demanding more food would have driven up food prices, land prices, and farm income. Innovation and productivity growth, fortunately, prevented the hunger problems that would have accompanied a rising population.

One crude way to see whether population growth is out-pacing the effect of innovation is to look at the long-term trend in food and agricultural prices. Here is a graph I created based on USDA data on three major commodity crop prices over time. The long-term trend is negative, suggesting innovation has outpaced the effects of population and income growth.

cropprices.JPG

Lower prices seems bad for farmers, but if they are able to sell more output using fewer resources, they also benefit (see this paper by Alston for some discussion on the farmer benefits and costs from innovation). Still, it is probably safe to say that farmers and the agricultural sector have largely come to expect a rising world population to support demand growth and offset some of the downward pressure on prices. Population projections suggest that expectation may not hold out into the future.

Indeed, research by my Purdue colleagues Uris Baldos and Tom Hertel suggests the effects of population on crop prices is likely to be much lower than what we’ve experienced in the past. They consider the effect of three factors on crop prices and production: population, income, and innovation. From 1960 to 2006, their findings indicate that the effect of innovation pushed down crop prices more than rising income and population pushed up prices, leading to an overall fall in prices, consistent with the graph above. What do they predict for the future based on expected trends in innovation, population, and income? Falling prices. They predict that, going out to 2050, the price increasing effects of population will be about half what they were from 1960 to 2006. Thus, rather than the Malthusian population bomb, we seem to be heading to a sort of Malthusian inversion.

It’s also important to note that population growth will be unevenly distributed across the world. Data and projections from the United Nations show very different anticipated population trends in low-, middle-, and high-income countries. Here is a figure I created based on their data. In 1950, population was 45%, 70%, and 82% lower than it is today in high-, middle-, and low-income countries. By 2010, the UN is projecting population will be 3%, 23%, and 220% higher in high-, middle-, and low-income countries.

population2.JPG

The implications for U.S. farmers are many fold. For one, demand growth (at least from population growth) is likely to occur outside this country, highlighting the importance of trade. Within the U.S., rising income, and demand for quality, may play an increasingly important role in supporting farm incomes in the years to come. Finally, flat or declining population, along with innovation, have the potential to have positive environmental outcomes, and it will important to think about appropriate farm policy in light of these trends.

What to Expect in 2020

My colleagues and I have pulled together the 2020 Outlook issue of the Purdue Ag Econ Report. Contributions include:

  • Our Long, Slow, Steady Expansion Should Continue by Larry DeBoer

  • Trade and trade policy outlook for 2020 by Russell Hillberry

  • 2020 Outlook: Farm Policy by Roman Keeney

  • Food Price Inflation is on the Rise Globally but Steady at Home by Jayson Lusk

  • Farmland Market Outlook for 2020 by Todd Kuethe and Craig Dobbins

  • Increase in Indiana cash rent seems unlikely in 2020 by Criag Dobbins and Todd Kuethe

  • More milk, consolidation continues, but still an improved 2020 price outlook by Nicole Widmar

  • 2020 Purdue Crop Cost & Return Guide by Michael Langemeier and Craig Dobbins

  • 2020 Corn Price Outlook by James Mintert and Mindy Mallory

  • 2020 Soybean Price Outlook by James Mintert and Mindy Mallory.

Check out the whole thing here.

Food Environment or Preferences?

Do poorer people eat unhealthily because they don’t have access to grocery stores and fresh fruits and vegetables (and are more easily able grab fast food or convenience store options), or is it because their preferences for healthy food differs from higher income households? In a sense, this is a question of nature vs. nurture applied to healthiness of food consumption, and it is a lively debate related to questions about food deserts, convenience store regulations, zoning, and more.

This interesting and rigorous paper (gated version here) on the topic by Hunt Allcott, Rebecca Diamond, Jean-Pierre Dube, Jessie Handbury, Ilya Rahkovsky, and Molly Schnell was recently published on the topic in the Quarterly Journal of Economics. I blogged about this paper a couple years ago, but I mentioned again now that it’s been revised and put through the rigors of the peer-reviewed process, and because the implications are quite important. Here’s the abstract:

We study the causes of “nutritional inequality”: why the wealthy eat more healthfully than the poor in the United States. Exploiting supermarket entry and household moves to healthier neighborhoods, we reject that neighborhood environments contribute meaningfully to nutritional inequality. We then estimate a structural model of grocery demand, using a new instrument exploiting the combination of grocery retail chains’ differing presence across geographic markets with their differing comparative advantages across product groups. Counterfactual simulations show that exposing low-income households to the same products and prices available to high income households reduces nutritional inequality by only about ten percent, while the remaining 90 percent is driven by differences in demand. These findings counter the argument that policies to increase the supply of healthy groceries could play an important role in reducing nutritional inequality.

These findings suggest efforts to eliminate food desserts or to constrain offerings of convenience stores are likely to have minimal effects. This paper shows, like some of my work, that higher- income households tend to eat healthier than lower-income households. Want lower income people to eat healthier? Then, we probably need to think about ways to increase their incomes. Another possible solution, albeit difficult to successfully and cost-effectively implement, is nutrition and health education.